Immigrant generations in the Netherlands 3 summary report

Sources

For the assessment of the immigrant generations in the Netherlands we have consulted two different sources.[1] The first sources consisted of all publicly available social indicators and statistics, most of which were produced on a regular basis by the national statistical office CBS, the national social and cultural planning office SCP and other national offices since 20 to 30 years. These are available as series of annual reports, running (web-based) statistical data, regular publications, etc. The second source consisted of 21 interviews with experts in the domains of immigrant generation issues, such as labour market participation, integration and participation in society, education, youth culture, care for the elderly, etc. In addition to these sources we have surveyed the available research literature as much as possible, certainly in relation to the interviews and references as made during the interviews. In principle these sources should be sufficient for a meta-assessment of the chances and perspectives of the immigrant generations in the Netherlands, being my intended contribution to the INTGEN project.

Politics

There was, however, a major obstacle for the meta-assessment as intended. The assessment had to take place in a political context that is not well suited for an objective and impartial assessment. The immigration and integration issue has been one of the most controversial political issues of the country since 2001, in combination with an apparently full paradigm shift in politics and public opinion. The country that had the image and that fostered the image of an open and tolerant society towards immigrant groups and minorities appeared to have changed within one year into a country where ëallí were against multiculturalism, that was most restrictive on immigration issues and that required almost full assimilation of its immigrant groups and minorities. The change was announced by the writer Paul Scheffer in his newspaper essay ëthe multicultural dramaí (Scheffer 2001). It was directly followed by 0911 and Pim Fortuyn, both by his comet-like rise in Dutch politics in late 2001 and early 2002, as well as his assassination in May 2002, ten days before the national elections. In May and June 2006, i.e. in the months that I tried to synthesise the materials from my sources, the controversies had not settled down. They were even intensified e.g. by the possible ex-patriation of MP Mrs. Ayaan Hirsi Ali,[2] by the structural and undeniable labour market and probation place discrimination of young and second generation immigrants, and by a research publication on the rather undeniable racist, xenophobic and Islamophobic attitudes among large portions or of the Dutch population (Ligtvoet 2006). In this context I feel a sincere hesitation with regard to the presentation of my assessment and conclusions, as they may be biased by personal pre-occupations with regard to e.g. multiculturalism, assimilation, forced ex-patriation and other sides of restrictive immigration policies, discrimination and racism, and Islam bashing.[3]

Indicators and statistics of ëbackwardnessí and failed integration

The publicly available social indicators and Dutch statistics could be sufficient and appropriate for the assessment of the integration of successive immigrant generations. It is a special characteristic of the Dutch statistical apparatus that an objectified parameter of ethnicity is used for each individual, and that the parameter is a combination of the country of origin and the generation to which an immigrant belongs. Further parameters are e.g. age, gender and place of living, among others. So, breakdowns are available of ethnicity, generation, age, gender and neighbourhood characteristics, on the one side, and integration indicators such as school attendance, school achievement, labour market participation, criminal involvement and further relevant issues as registered or surveyed on a regular basis, on the other.

Form the available indicators and statistics the following conclusions followed:

  1. The average level of education among first generation immigrants in general and among those who arrived as ëguest workersí or as their marriage partners from the Mediterranean region is comparatively low.
  2. It regards an aging generation.
  3. Among the male part of this generation the labour market participation has declined from almost 100% to very low, without early retirement entitlements for most of them.
  4. For the female part of this generation the labour market participation has been very low and has remained very low.
  5. Consequently, a large portion of the aging first generation of ëguest workersí is dependent on minimal social security.
  6. The fertility rate of these groups has been comparatively high.
  7. Its dispersion has been low; they live highly concentrated in the cheap urban neighbourhoods, as urban poor, together with the aging urban poor among native Dutch people who could not follow the ëwhite flightí from the cheap urban neighbourhoods to new middle class cities and districts.
  8. The second generation is comparative young, and therefore there are considerable interaction effects between generation and age.
  9. The young and second generation has performed considerably better in education than the generation of their parents.
  10. For certain groups such as the Indian-Dutch successor generations and the Surinamese women of Hindustani descent there is no difference with the same age groups among the native Dutch population.
  11. For other groups the educational level as achieved is lower than that of the comparable age groups among the native Dutch population.
  12. Unemployment among the young and second generation of immigrants is at least twice as high as among the young native age groups.
  13. Criminal involvement among young immigrants is higher than that of young native groups, particularly among second generation Moroccans and first generation Antilleans.
  14. In this sense, the conclusion appears to be that, apart from exceptions, of a persistent integration and ëbackwardnessí problem for the second immigrant generation.
  15. A considerable portion of second immigrant generation from Morocco and Turkey is finding a marriage partner in their country of origin. In this way they may reproduce the same integration and ëbackwardnessí problem for another generation in the future.
  16. As comparatively many young immigrants live with their parents or find a (ëcheapí) starters house in the same cheap district, the concentration of immigrants in cheap urban districts appears to be continued for a rather long period. Only slowly the ëbestí immigrant groups such as young Surinamese families and ëintegrated familiesí re-settle in new middle class cities and districts.
  17. In general, however, the indicators and statistics also show that two-third to three quarters of the immigrant people in the Netherlands, be they first or second generation, be they male or female, etc., is to be seen as being integrated in Dutch society in terms of family life, education, labour market participation, non-involvement in nuisance and crime, etc.

The problem of integration policies

The latter point was sufficient reason for the Parliamentary Committee on failed integration and integration policies (Blok Committee 2004) to conclude that there was not really an integration problem. For the Committee the major problem regarded the obstacles against effective integration policies and measures (see also Koopmans 2002). Most immigrants became ëintegratedí participants in society notwithstanding the ineffective or inconclusive policies and measures, e.g. in the field of education, language teaching and integration courses.

However, both the interviewed experts and findings of targeted research have shown many more pitfalls of the indicators and statistics. I may refer to four points, although some more could be raised, e.g. with regard to the neglect of the institutional context of blocked school careers or the non-take-up of care among aging immigrants. The four points are:

  1. With regard to the most decisive issue in public integration debate the indicators and statistics are almost fully inconclusive. It regards the language non-proficiency that is said to prevail among newcomers and other adult immigrants, particularly among the first generation. Public assertions in this respect have made language courses and language testing the corner stone of the national integration policies since ten years, with new requirements introduced by the present government coalition. These regarded a language test before an entrance permit is allowed to an immigrant and a full language proficiency test for all first generation immigrants to whom this requirement might apply.
  2. There is good reason to assume that the low labour market participation and blocked school careers among young and second generations of immigrants is caused by labour market and probation place discrimination. There is no reason to assume that the motivation and interest of young immigrants in successful vocational training would be less than that of their native counterpart, on the contrary (Severiens & Rezai 2005). There is quite some evidence and it is publicly acknowledged that young and second generation immigrants are frequently discriminated when they apply for a probation place or a job. So, the labour market participation is frustrated, and, as a consequence of probation place discrimination, successful school careers are frustrated: without probation no access to final examination and qualification. The issue then is not failing integration but discrimination and exclusion.
  3. The criminal involvement of young immigrants does not stand without comment and public controversy. For instance, comparative court room analysis may have revealed striking differences between most immigrant and native defendants that appear to give a comparative advantage to the native defendants in terms of charges and punishment in ëequal casesí (Komen & Van Schoten 2006).
  4. Most sincere expert critique of the social indicators and national statistics is, however, that they reinforce a rather negative standpoint towards immigrants or the immigrant integration. They are best suited for proving the ëbackwardnessí or failing integration of the first generation of ëguest workersí and their families, and the continuities between the first and second generation in this respect. They do not reveal the chances and perspectives of the young and second generations of immigrants, and it is to be doubted whether they could. From their methodology they reveal the past up to the present, and as far as the future is concerned it is restricted to strait-forward projections.

The national policy makers, particularly the representatives of the present government coalition, are apparently convinced of the ëbackwardnessí and the failed integration of too many immigrants, feeling confirmed by the objective indicators and statistics in this respect. As said above their major target is tested proficiency in Dutch as a second language for applicants of immigration visa and immigrant residents. The integration policies do not include priority targets with regard to the young and second generations of immigrants, beyond the aim of counter-acting educational ëbackwardnessí in general, some active employment programmes, e.g. in the frame of ESF or schedules for the reintegration of excluded groups such as long-term unemployed people, released detainees, etc.[4]

Chances and opportunities of the young and second generations

Most experts, however, focussed less on the ëproblemsí and ërisksí of the young and second generations, and more on their chances and perspectives of the young and second generations of immigrants in society. For most of them these chances and perspectives are undeniable. The chances and perspectives were to be enhanced, both in the interest of the young people and of society. In this frame they referred e.g. to role models among young and second generation immigrants, and to knowledge as derived from other research models and paradigms such as longitudinal research into time-cracks or qualitative research of cultural factors in ethnic relations or the analysis of good practices. Even the experts, who were appointed as high government advisers and commissioners e.g. for youth care and the employment of young people, Dr. Steven van Eijck and Mr. Hans de Boer, insisted on the urgent priority of youth policies and targeted attention for probation place and labour market frictions. For them the aging Dutch society cannot risk to lose its youngest generations, including the young and second generations of immigrants that are a serious part of it, certainly in the cities. So, their chances and perspectives are to be enhanced urgently.

Muslim perspectives

Beyond education and the labour market further urgent attention is needed for the improved perspectives of Muslims in the Netherlands 3 the Netherlands being a non-Muslim country where the Islam is a source of threat for half of the population (Ligtvoet 2006[5]), for cultural diversity and cultural change as appropriate in relation to the new groups in society, and for processes of radicalisation and involvement in criminal groups. With regard to the Muslim perspectives the debate will continue on Islamic institutions in the fields of education, health care, media, etc., in line with pillarisation as a model for the moderation of cultural and religious strain in society. Opponents refer to the possible cultural isolation of Muslims and other groups that could counter-act their integration in society (e.g. Scheffer 2006), while advocates expect that a process of cultural emancipation is encouraged under the protection of private cultural and educational institutions (Goudappel 2005).

Cultural diversity and change

With regard to cultural diversity and cultural change experts referred, among others, to two mechanisms that certainly deserve attention, both in research and policy. First is the interest of many young people belonging to a successor generation for the cultural roots of their parents, grandparents, etc. Opportunities for roots search are to be enhanced, including the search for dark pages of Dutch history, such as the involvement in slave trade and exploitation, colonial history etc. (Bijnaar 2002). Second is the development of new mixed cultures in the cities that appear to reflect a joint culture for a wide variety of young people of native and immigrant origin. The term for it is the urban culture. It is receiving public attention e.g. in the projects of the new cultural institution in Amsterdam South-East Imagine Identity and Culture, as a positive perspective following from migration and cultural change. It reflects grass root multiculturalism.

Radicalism and crime

Last point of attention in the present summary assessment regards the sometimes extreme and extremist action of young and second generation immigrants against their (new) society and its norms or values. It is known as Islamist extremism or radicalism, on the one side, and comparatively high involvement in organised crime and juvenile nuisance, on the other. Beyond all differences between religious extremism, organised crime and juvenile nuisance, in actual policy debate since 2001 these three are usually taken together, with the rejection of integration in the new society as the common denominator[6] as far as immigrant youth is involved or is assumed to be involved. Immigrant representatives as well as a number of other experts have made clear objections against the assumption that there is a clear relation between the age and generation indicators of immigrants, on the one side, and the alleged involvement in crime or Islamist extremism. Objections regard, as said above, among others, the judicial factor that may cause more and higher involvement rates among immigrant youth (Komen en Van Schoten 2006). These also regard the very small numbers of Islamist extremists and the comparatively small portions of immigrants groups that are actually involved in hardcore crime and persistent nuisance. In quantitative terms the knowledge base is restricted. The knowledge base refers mostly to qualitative research, such as ethnographic interviews and life history analysis, or on impressions of (privileged) observers. Both a recent publication on Islamist extremism (Buijs, Demant & Hamdy 2006) as well as one on immigrant ëloverboysí or young pimps (Bovenkerk and others 2006) had to rely on a very limited number of ethnographic interviews, as was underlined by the authors. In public debate these are sufficient proof for further allegations on the extremism of young Muslims and the criminal involvement of young Moroccans and Antilleans. So, ëtheyí are a new generation of scapegoats, risks and threats for the decent Dutch citizens.

References

Blok Committee 3 Tijdelijke Parlmentaire Onderzoekscommissie. Eindrapport integratiebeleid [Final report on integration policy]. The Hague: SDU; January 2004.

Bovenkerk, Frank et al. Loverboys of modern pooierschap [Loverboys or today's pimps]; Amsterdam: Augustus; 2006.

Bovenkerk, Frank et al. 'Loverboys' of modern pooierschap in Amsterdam ['Loverboys' or today's pimps in Amsterdam]. Utrecht: Willem Pompe Instituut; December 2004.

Buijs, F. J., Demant, F., Hamdy, A. Strijders van eigen bodem. Radicale en democratische moslims in Nederland [Home-bred warriors. Radical and democratic Muslims in the Netherlands]. Amsterdam: Spinhuis; 2006.

Bijnaar, A. Op zoek naar de stilte. Een handleiding voor het inventariseren van cultureel erfgoed Nederlands slavernijverleden [In search of silence. A manual for inventories of the Dutch slavery cultural heritage]. The Hague: Ministry of OCW; December 2002.

Goudappel, Annerieke. De waarheid is van ons. Studenten en docenten van de Islamitsche Universiteit Rotterdam [Truth is ours. Students and teachers of the Islamic University Rotterdam]. NRC Handelblad. 04-12-2005.

Komen, M.; Van Schoten, E. Allochtone jongeren gemiddeld langer vast [Immigrant young people longer detained on the average]. Nederlands Juristen Blad. 2006; 25.

Koopmans, Ruud. Good intentions sometimes make bad policy. A comparison of Dutch and german integration policies. in: Migration, multiculturalism and civil society. : Friedrich Ebert Stiftung; www.wz-berlin.de

Ligtvoet, Floor. Aanpassen of opkrassen [Adaptation or make your-self away]. BN/De Stem. 03-06-2006.

Rath, Jan; Penninx, Rinus; Groenendijk, Kees; Meijer, Astrid. Nederland en zijn Islam [The Netherlands and its Islam]. : Amsterdam: Spinhuis; 1996.

Scheffer, Paul. Diversiteit betekent helemaal niets [Diversity means absolutely nothing]. NRC Handelsblad. 03-06-2006.

Scheffer, Paul. Het multiculturele drama [The multicultural drama]. NRC Handelsblad. 19-01-2001.

Severiens, S.; Rezai, S. Succes- en faalfactoren in het middelbaar beroepsonderwijs 2001-2004 [Success and risk factors in middle-level vocational training 2001-2004]. Rotterdam: RISBO ; May 2005.



[1] Summary and discussion of: Muskens, George. Integration and generations in the Netherlands, Part I and II. Lepelstraat-EMZ, 2006 June.

[2] Today, i.e. in the early morning of 29 June 2006 one of the three government coalition partners in Parliament has formally ëdisapprovedí the actions of the responsible Minister of Immigration and Integration, Mrs. Rita Verdonk, together with most opposition parties. In the evening of the day the government has resigned, as this partner declared that it had therefore also left the coalition. The ëimmigration and integration dramaí in the Netherlands is to be continued, at least until new elections in early autumn. So, the Minister was also blamed by the national soccer guru Johan Cruijf for the bad Dutch performance against Portugal in Neurenberg on Sunday 25 June 2006, as she refused a Dutch passport to Salomon Kalou, who is a promising young player from Ivory Coast, playing for Rotterdam-Feyenoord during the last years.

[3] I have applied three mechanisms that should keep me on a rather unbiased, impartial and scientific assessment of generation and integration issues. These regarded the survey of relevant policy documents, the selection of the experts and the ëinverted assessmentí. The latter was that I discussed first the most objective issues, i.e. those related to immigration research methodologies, then the ëpositiveí issue of the chances and perspectives of the young and new generation, and last the issue that is most difficult to assess, being the policies and policy shift in the Netherlands since 2001.

[4] In practice, however, most schedules for the counter-action of educational ëbackwardnessí and many local ESF-projects regard predominantly target groups among young and second generation immigrants.

[5] Newspaper publication based upon a Motivaction research project. The report has not yet been published so far. I received a methodological note on the research project via the newspaper editor of BN De Stem. As far as I could assess the research project was reliable and valid with regard to its conclusions.

[6] Occasionally it is observed that it regards young people, who have reached high scores on integration indicators, such as language proficiency (e.g. Bovenkerk and others 2004). Maybe a high level of ëintegrationí is needed for a successful career as a terrorist, criminal, pimp, etc.

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